QUEM DEI DILIGUNT ...

Three brothers Ems are standing in front of an intriguing monument, a symbol of fecundity if there ever was one, and certainly with an interesting story behind it.

This morning, we left Milano after an intensive day of sampling the grandeur of the city and its most prominent son. To start with, brother Ludwig steered the car straight eastward, along Autostrada A4, past Brescia and Verona, but he deviated from it at Vicenza, to my surprise, and continued the journey along a more minor and more cumbersome country road. Still, this part of the journey let us experience the intensely populated and industrialised countryside of Northern Italy, with factories, villages and farms all intermingled and tightly aligned along this slow-moving trajectory. After passing by the towns of Cittadella and Castelfranco, we finally arrived, just about lunchtime, at Treviso, the lock to Venice and our luncheon target for the day.

Why do we stop in Treviso, and why did we choose this cumbersome country road to get here, I ask brother Ludwig. The answer is somewhat surprising: we retraced a route that the allied French and Imperial armies had used to advance in their vainglorious attempts to reach and destroy Venice. All the above-mentioned towns along the way had been occupied by those troupes except one: Treviso, heavily fortified and guarding the access to La Serenissima itself. No wonder that a "Fecundity Goddess" was venerated by the Trevisians! More importantly, several Emser had participated in those campaigns as leaders of regiments and battalions. But none of them had ever entered Treviso; time for us to do the honour!

The first Emser to ever enter Treviso! Richard and Ludwig on the main town square. 

Whilst sauntering through the narrow lanes of Treviso's medieval town centre, my thoughts go wandering back in time. I must dig deep into my treasure trove of historical episodes to connect to Ludwig's bon mot. Then it comes to me. Of course, this is all about an episode within the Great Wars of Italy! Within those more than fifty years of troubles, which pitted all major European powers of the time against each other on the war-torn soil of Italy, there nested the most convoluted campaign of them all, called the Eight Years' War of the Cambrai League (1508-1516), also called The Great Venetian War.

The origin of this pêle mêle of a war lay in the aim of La Serenissima to create a territorial superpower in addition to its dominance on the seas. During most of the 15th century, Venice managed to devour a large swath of Imperial Italy, first Veneto, then the Duchy of Friaul and eventually more and more stretches of the Duchy of Milano (then under French authority). Not only that, it also nibbled on the Pope's recently acquired territories, incorporating a significant part of Romagna, starting with Ravenna in the mid-1440s. To add insult to injury, even Spanish Italy was being infringed upon, with several Southern harbours in Apulia being occupied by the rising regional hegemon.

The war was started by a mighty alliance encompassing all the aggrieved parties: the Empire, the Pope, and the Kings of France and Spain. In early 2009, its first year, success was initially granted them, with the Venetians losing all possessions they had grabbed, except, of course, Treviso; thereof Ludwig's bon mot above. But soon, Venice regained most of the domains lost in Northern Italy, which forced Emperor Maximilian I to enter the fray with a larger army, but to no avail. He constantly suffered a lack of funds, and his interventions in the war generally lacked endurance. 

The pope, beginning to fear France's dominant position in Italy, then switched sides in 1510, luring Spain to join him and Venice, together with the Eidgenossen and even England, against the French. Maximilian I, still at war with Venice, was initially a more or less hapless bystander. 

Within the following three years, the battle fronts wavered back and forth, with either the French or the new alliance, called the Holy League, gaining the upper hand. Eventually, the French lost out and had to leave Italy altogether in 1513. Milano was left to the Swiss, who let a Sforca govern it as a kind of puppet duke. 

But this Swiss triumph did not last. Just two years later, in 1515, Francis I, the young and ambitious newly crowned King of France, decided to regain what had been lost in Italy. He invaded the country with a sizeable army, this time in alliance with Venice, and defeated the Swiss in the tremendous battle of Marignano (September 1515). 

Battle of Marignano
Source: Musée Condé   Painter: Maître à la Ratière

With this, the war was essentially over, with only some wrapping up to do by the involved parties. When peace was reached in 1516 by the Treaties of Noyon, Brussels and Fribourg, none of the participants had benefitted from the war; nought was gained –  the status ex quo ante was simply re-instated. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers had died, numerous cities had been ransacked and destroyed, and a terrible ordeal had been forced upon the Italian population, all for nothing! 

Fully five Emser participated in this war: the brethren Jakob II (ca 1471-1512), Burkhard (ca 1475-1536) and Hans Ulrich II (ca 1473-1520); their cousin once removed Merk Sittich I (ca 1470-1533); and finally Georg Emser, an illegitimate offspring. Of these, Jakob, Merk Sittich and Burkhard were commanders of full Landsknecht (mercenary) regiments, Hans Ulrich was captain of smaller contingents, and Georg was probably only a leader of a Fähnlein (batallion) under Jakob.

The oldest among these, Merk Sittich, was also the most experienced of the five. He had already fought in the previous decade against the Swiss in Germany (1499) and the preceding Italian War of Naples (1499-1504). However, in the present context, he participated only briefly, being kept occupied in Germany in the interim. 

Jakob, on the other hand, rose to the occasion and became a highly regarded hero in this Italian war episode. Interestingly, he did not achieve this under the Imperial flag. Emperor Maximilian I, ever short of funds, never managed to keep his troupes for long in the war, with the result that most of his campaigns failed utterly, which prevented his military leaders from making themselves a name as victorious braves. 

Young Jakob II, a true Renaissance man
in Schrenck von Notzing (1603),
Der Allerduchleuchtigsten und Grossmächtigen Kayser ...
Königen ... Fürsten wie auch Grafen warhafftige Bildtnussen

Jakob II is also the first Emser to rise above the dry and sparse documents of previous ages. Contemporary sources depict him, in true Renaissance style, as a full-bodied human being with all his prowess and weaknesses. He deserves special treatment, so we devote the rest of this blog post to him.

Little is known about Jakob's younger years. But they must have included solid training in all matters of warfare. His father, Jakob I (ca 1435-ca 1508) and his uncle Hans I (ca 1430-1494) were wealthy and respected nobles, having risen in service to the Habsburger. He must, early on, have shown particular prowess in the martial arts since he eventually became a supreme sportsman, shining in numerous tournaments, the high profile game of his age. King Maximilian I, who was enamoured with all aspects of classic knighthood – which rendered him the suffix "Maximilian der letzte Ritter" (Maximilian, last of the knights) – took a liking to him and elevated him to Truchsess (Seneschal) at the Royal Court.

Again, we don't know anything about his military campaigns earlier than 1509, but he must have been involved in some of them since he appears as commander of a whole Landsknecht regiment already in the first year of the War of the Cambrai League. At its outset, the French troupes, aided by small Imperial contingents, had already conquered all of the Venetian territories in Northern Italy (except for Treviso), handed over the conquered cities to the East of the Duchy of Milan to Imperial governors and retreated to their Milan base. 

Cheavalier de Bayard
in T. Cahu (1898), Histoire du Chevalier de Bayard

Soon after, the Venetians returned and recaptured most of them, particularly the great city of Padua. This forced the Emperor to assemble a large army (with, i. a., regiments under Jakob II, Merk Sittich I and Burkhard) in all haste to redress the situation. It besieged Padua for most of September, aided by a smaller contingent of French troops, among them a battalion of heavy cavalry under the leadership of Pierre Terrail, seigneur de Bayard (ca 1476-1524), a warrior well-known and respected in his days and, indeed, until the present.

During the initial skirmishes around Padua, taking place in open terrain around the city, Jakob's Landsknechte with their long lances, together with Bayard's mounted knights with swords and spears, proved to be a formidable combination of force and agility, brushing the Venetians off the field with a vengeance. Thus, a bond of mutual respect and comradeship-of-arms was forged between the two leaders, which would last until "death them did part". 

The Siege of Padua in September 1509
Woodcut by Hans Burgkmair, in Treitzsauerwein (1526), Der Weisskunig

The sequel did not go as well. The Venetians, with their main troupes, chose to withdraw from battle into the fortified city, forcing Maximilian to a long and drawn-out siege that lasted all of September and heavily culled his troupes. Eventually, the Emperor was forced to ask the cavalry to dismount and assist the Landsknechte in their onslaught. It is unclear what happened then. French sources claim that Bayard followed his request but that the German cavalry refused. German sources claim the opposite. 

However that may be, this incidence, together with his war chest being empty and Winter approaching, decided Maximilian to withdraw back North to Tyrol, dissolving the bulk of his army and leaving just a sprinkling of smaller troops of Landsknechte to garrison the cities still under his control. Jakob remained and garrisoned, together with other commanders, Vicenza under the leadership of the Prince of Anhalt. Merk Sittich, Hans and Burkhard went home with the main army. We presume Georg Emser stayed with Jakob. 

Battlefronts went back and forth in confusing mêlées during the following year. Maximilian kept only small forces in Northern Italy; he relied on the French to help him defend his gains in Veneto and concentrate his war efforts on his own domains Northeast and East of Venice, which he had lost and longed to regain. Still, the Landsknechte, under the leadership of, among others, Jakob and eventually Burkhard, who had returned with a new regiment, fought valiantly together with French support troops that would arrive whenever the Venetians were coming too close to the Duchy of Milano. 

The Venetians, eventually having made truce with the Pope, were becoming ever more aggressive, regaining some major towns, such as Vicenza and Brescia, and even besieging, in September, Verona, the main seat remaining of Imperial power. However, the town defences were too strong, manned by troops under both Jakob and Georg von Frundsberg (another formidable Landsknecht Commander), and eventually relieved by French forces under Chaumont, including Bayard's heavy cavalry.

Verona, a city with strong defences
Photographer: Stefano

The defence of Verona became a low point in Jakob's career. Although the Venetians' onslaught was ultimately deflected, it led to Jakob becoming a prisoner of war. At an outbreak attack with his Landsknechte, supported by contingents of Bayard's cavaliers, he was surrounded by a surprise counter-manoeuvre by Venetian rearguard Horse, captured and brought to Venice. 

His captivity must undoubtedly have been depressing. Even if he was soon released, it must have cost him his fortune in ransom. In the meantime, his Landsknechte were dispersed, and he lacked the means to start anew, unable to count on the Emperor to help him finance a new regiment. Fortunately, his friend Bayard came to his rescue. He convinced the King of France to invite Jakob to join his forces and finance the build-up of a new Landsknechte regiment for him to lead. Towards the end of 1510, Jakob thus fought already under the French flag. 

The war dragged on in 1511. The French now decided to go against the Pope, who in the meantime had changed sides, and convinced the Swiss and the Spaniards to join him in a new alliance with Venice. A  battle-hardened war veteran, the septuagenarian Gian Giacomo Trivulzio of Milan, was entrusted with the French army and began an invasion of the Papal States, with Bologna as the primary target. In his army, we find both French and allied Imperial Landsknecht regiments, the former commanded by Jakob and the latter by Georg von Frundsberg. Bologna was conquered, but soon thereafter, the Swiss came from the North and threatened the Duchy of Milan, so also this campaign had to be terminated before its completion. In addition, the Venetians had taken the occasion to advance and, already in January 1511, retaken the large Milanese cities of Brescia and Bergamo.

As a great relief to the French, a new leader entered the scene in late 1511. This was the young nephew of King Louis XII, Gaston de Foix, the Duke of Nemours, who was appointed Governor of Milan. Amazingly, at age 21, he excelled not only as administrator of the duchy but also as a fully-baked military leader, a Napoleon in the making, we are tempted to say. He quickly drove the Swiss army back North across the Alps, relieved Bologna, who was again besieged by the Papal and Spanish troupes, and recovered the captured Milanese cities. Thereafter, again scheming like Napoleon, he decided to bring the war to the Pope and the Spaniards in the South. He aimed to quickly destroy their armies and get them out of the war. Henry VIII of England had recently joined the fray, and Emperor Maximilian was becoming ever more reluctant in his support of the French, so de Foix realised that his army would soon be needed elsewhere. 

The two armies' défilé at the battle of Ravenna
Woodcut by "Master with the Mousetrap" (1530)

On his way to Rome with his army, he could not cross the Appenninnes since the Spanish army blocked the passes. Hoping to draw out the enemy and get him to engage in battle, he hastened to siege Ravenna, the last city in Romagna held by the Pope. The ruse succeeded, and in early April, the two armies saw eye to eye just before the city gates. Thus played out one of the major battles of the Great Italian Wars, with almost 40,000 men involved, of which more than half died on the field. 

Jakob II von Ems commanded the main thrust of de Foix's infantry (Taylor [1920]), which consisted of his some 9500 Landsknechte, besides a unit of 8000 Gascon archers and Picard pikemen under Seigneur de Molart. Bayard was one of the commanders of heavy cavalry and fought valiantly throughout the engagement. 

At the height of the battle, French and Spanish infantry lined up opposite each other in the centre of the action, but both sides hesitated to attack. This was when Jakob took the initiative and inspired his men to a furious onslaught, himself in front of his troupes, charging straight at the line of Spanish Tercios (pikemen interspersed with musketeers). The Spaniards answered with a terrible barrage of bullets, decimating the Landsknechts immediately by a third (Georg Emser among them) and killing off Jakob. Infuriated by the death of their leader, the remainder charged the more fiercely, breaking the Spanish line and initiating a horrific bloodbath among the Spanish infantry. This led to the break-up of the Spanish army at large, which retreated in all haste.

All would have been well for the French hadn't their Commander, revealing his young blood for once, chosen to pursue the Spanish rearguard with a contingent of his most trusted chevaliers. To his misfortune, the Spaniards regrouped and encircled the pursuers, killing off both de Foix and his companions. In that, they disregarded the high rank of their opponent ultimately, even though his fellow knights were screaming, "Spare de Foix; he is the brother of your Queen!", which he was indeed.

        Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours ...                                                            ... and his death

    Painter: Philippe de Champaigne (ca 1830)                          Painter: Ary Scheffer (ca 1824)

Coming back to Jakob, you may well ask what caused him to brazenly attack a seemingly unassailable wall of muskets and lances. In fact, there is a story behind it. Just the day before, a dépêche was delivered to him, transmitted through the enemy lines. The sender was a certain Hieronymus de Vieh, Spain's representative at the Holy Sea, but at the same time, Maximilian's secret agent there. He informed Jakob that a truce between the Empire and Venice had been agreed in Rome two days earlier and urged him to withdraw his regiment from the French army forthwith. 

This message put Jakob in a serious quandary. Whom of his Masters to follow? His Emperor, to whom he had sworn his oath of fealty (Maximilian was de jure his feudal Lord, since Jakob was Imperial Knight) and who had honoured him with the title of "Truchsess" (Seneschal); or the King of France, who had him under contract, had financed his regiment and never failed to pay his soldiers their due? He decided to let Bayard in on the secret message and ask for his advice. Not unexpectedly, the latter entreated him not to desert the French army on the evening of a battle and ensured him of the King's eternal gratitude for such a noble decision. 

This left Jakob no other choice but to keep silent about the dispatch vis-à-vis the Landsknechte and go to battle with his men. Alas, this cannot have resolved the moral conflict in his mind. Thus, we have to conclude that his death-defying gallop straight at the Spanish line was no other than a nobleman's way of repenting, through suicide, for breaking his oath to his feudal Lord. 

-o-

We set out to picture the deeds of a valiant mercenary entrepreneur but ended up portraying three heroic warriors. Two of them died in Ravenna, but the third lived to fight another decade. It is Bayard we have to thank for having access to details about the fate of the other two. His aide-de-camps (calling himself "Le loyal serviteur") kept copious notes during all his campaigns. Just three years after Bayard's death (at the crossing of river Sesia in 1524), he published his biography based on the material contained in his notes. 

This opus raised the valiant chevalier to eternal fame. Ever since, Bayard has been known as the famous "Chevalier sans peur et sans reproche" (Der Ritter ohne Furcht und Tadel; The Knight in Shiny Armour). More importantly, for the present context, it also put a glow on the brethren-in-arm he admired, foremost among them "Le Capitaine Jacob", as he is called in the notes.

It is an irony of history that at a time when modern warfare found its roots, with large armies that counted tens of thousands of soldiers pitted against each other in battle, a majority of them being mowed down by bullets and cannon balls, a mercenary leader like Jakob II von Ems would be remembered as a noble knight, winning eternal fame through atoning, by a suicidal onslaught, for having broken his oath to the Emperor, his feudal Lord. 

Jakob's marble tomb resides in the Cathedral of Modena, at the time the Southernmost city under Imperial suzerainty. His brother Burkhard had brought him there with a troop of his faithful Landsknechte. Short thereafter, Maximilian's formal order reached those to withdraw from the French army, and the episode of Landsknechte regiments in the service of King Louis XII came to an end. 

Jakob's armour was eventually included in Archduke Ferdinand's Hall of Fame at Ambras Castle in Tyrol (Imperial Prelude), and his portrait and short biography figured prominently in the Book of Heroes produced by the Duke. Furthermore, the famous German Humanist Ulrich von Hutten, who had fought alongside Jakob at the siege of Padua in 1509 and written a rimed epos about the ensuing campaigns, honoured him with a touching epitaph rendered in bronze-like Hexameter.

In Ulrich v Hutten (1517), Ad Caesarem Maximilianum Epigrammatum liber

Wer du auch immer zum Grabmal trittest des schwäbischen Fremdlings, 

Sage nicht: Seine Gunst hab’ ihm der Himmel versagt.

Als er die mächtigen Städte der Italer all’ und der Heimath

Hatt’ erfüllt mit des Ruhm’s Glanze, da sank er dahin.

Oftmals stand er im Kampf, und war stets Sieger in Waffen.

So dass er selbst zur Frist Sieger noch war, wo er fiel!

Klage den Tod nicht an, nicht nahm er das Leben, er mehrt’ es,

Ja, wenn das Grab du entfernst, schien’ es, er lebe noch fort.

                               Translation: Johann Gabriel Seidl

Whoever approaches the tomb of the Swabian stranger,

Say not that Heaven has spurned and denied him his greatness.

Had he not earned the fame of a hero in the mighty Italian cities,

Likewise, at home, ere he braved the wall of bullets and lances? 

Fearless, he strode into battle, forever the victor in combat,

Victorious even he was when Grim Reaper chose to embrace him.

Do not accuse the Scyther, who took his life, not his fame!
Look no more at his grave; in your mind, he forever fights on!

 Translation: Emil Ems, assisted by Per Wijkman